The Plough
Volume 3, Number 19
8 March 2006

E-Mail Newsletter of the Irish Republican Socialist Party

1) Editorial
2) International Women's Day 2006
3) The Taming of Sinn Fein
4) Jim Cusack -- Without Comment!!
5) Letters
6) What's On

*******

EDITORIAL
 
The Red Hand Defenders have issued a statement declaring that they
"are actively targeting all republican ex-prisoners. As of midnight
last night all republican ex-prisoners are legitimate targets." The
Red Hand Defenders are a cover name for the UDA. They claimed
responsibility for the murder attack on the taxi driver in Ligoniel on
Friday last. A recognised code word was used when the RHD issued the
statement to the media.
 
Politically this is a worrying development as it has the potential if
it is serious to plunge Northern society back into the nightmarish
world of tit for tat killings. On the other hand it could be simple a
reaction to a police raid on a UDA show of strength in North Belfast.
In that raid a large number of loyalists were arrested.
 
There is a clear onus on loyalist ex-prisoners groups in particular to
clearly and unequivocally condemn these threats in the strongest
possible way.

From republicans there should be no knee jerk reaction. At a time when
many working class people are sick of the sectarian divisions, sick of
the two tribes syndrome, and sick of the inability of politicians to
rise above petty sectarian squabbling, the last thing we need is
sectarian violence. Slowly links are been forged between progressive
elements from within the working class, links which point the way
forward. The IRSP are supportive of those contacts and links. Class
solidarity is essential and we will do all we can to prevent a return
to sectarian violence. 
 
But organisations like our own can have only a limited impact. We work
with limited resources and within a context when it appears that the
main players in Northern politics are intent on increasing their
control and power by whatever means necessary. 
 
Nevertheless the IRSP will continue to push our political line of
republican socialism and for the unity of the class and the country
because we firmly believe that that is the way forward for all working
class people on the island.

*******

INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY 2006

On behalf of the Irish Republican Socialist Movement, the Irish
Republican Socialist Committees of North America issue the following
statement to mark International Women's Day 2006.

International Women's Day is observed on 8 March every year to
celebrate the economic, political, and social achievements of women
and to call for full gender equality worldwide. 

On 8 March 1857, female garment workers in New York City staged a
protest against inhumane working conditions and low wages. The
protestors were attacked by police and dispersed, but two years later
they formed a labor union to fight for their rights as workers. On 8
March 1908, 15,000 women marched through New York City demanding
shorter work hours, better pay, voting rights, and an end to child
labor. Their slogan was "Bread and Roses", with bread symbolising
economic security and roses a better quality of life. 

In May 1908, the Socialist Party of America designated the last Sunday
in February for the observance of National Women's Day, which was
celebrated for the first time on 28 February 1909. In 1910, the
Socialist International established the first International Women's
Day to honor the movement for women's rights and to assist in
achieving universal suffrage for women. The first IWD was held on 19
March 1911 in Germany, Austria, Denmark, and other European countries. 

In 1917, with 2 million Russian soldiers dead in the war, Russian
women again chose the last Sunday in February to strike for "bread and
peace", despite the opposition of political leaders to the timing of
the strike. The strike occurred on 23 February by the Julian calendar
then in use in Russia, but on 8 March by the Gregorian calendar in use
elsewhere. Four days later the Czar was forced to abdicate and the
provisional government granted women the right to vote.  

In 1975, which had been designated International Women's Year, the
United Nations gave official sanction to and began sponsoring
International Women's Day. 

While we recognise that women have made economic, political, and
social gains, it must be kept in mind that this is not the same thing
as liberation. Middle class women in western capitalist nations may
have more life options now than at any time in the past, but
throughout the world women, especially workers and peasants, continue
to be victims of poverty, labor exploitation, sexual exploitation,
violence, rape, and religious dictates. The modern day slave trade
exploits women primarily for sexual purposes, and the number of women
who have been victimised by this trade is staggering. Even in the US,
the rights of women are under assault by religious fundamentalists,
especially the right of women to choose abortion. Women who are
lesbian, bisexual, or transgendered are doubly oppressed as women and
as sexual minorities.

In Ireland, the Irish Republican Socialist Movement has always been at
the forefront of supporting women's liberation, and women have always
been an integral part of our movement. When the Irish Republican
Socialist Party was founded on 8 December 1974, four women were
elected to its first national executive. At its first Ard-Fheis
(convention) in 1975, it became one of the first parties in Ireland to
support a woman's right to choose abortion and to call for full
equality for lesbians. Its second chairperson was a woman, Miriam
Daly, and at one point in the early 1980s much of its leadership was
female. Women have also been active as volunteers in the Irish
National Liberation Army.
 
In conclusion, we say that women's liberation can only be realised
within the context of a global struggle to liberate all oppressed
people. We must boldly go forward in our struggle for socialism and
the liberation of humankind from its shackles. We salute all of the
women and men who have fought for women's liberation. Let us all do
our part to make future International Women's Days victorious
celebrations of the full liberation of all women.

*******

THE TAMING OF SINN FEIN

Village Magazine
23 February 2006

The Taming of Sinn Fein
By Sara Burke and Vincent Browne
 
Having espoused Marxism and nationalisations, Sinn Féin is now just a
vaguely left-of-centre social democratic party. If Bertie Ahern needs
to 'discover' a policy convergence between Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin
after the next election, he will have little difficulty.

Thirty five years ago Sinn Féin (or Provisional Sinn Féin) was
espousing Marxist ideas: public control of the means of production and
exchange; the nationalisation of the banks and all key industries.
They were also against foreigners owning land here and against the
European Economic Community (EEC), as it was then. Fifteen years
later, Sinn Féin was continuing to indulge in Marxist rhetoric,
talking about the "robbery" of the working class, the abolition of
capitalism and a democratic system of common or public ownership of
key industries and institutions. 
 
But by 1993 all that had toned down considerably. Capitalism was not
to be abolished, there was no talk to publicly control of key
industries, the banks were not to be nationalised, although there was
to be a State bank. "decentralised socialism" was the buzz word. 
 
Now EU membership is celebrated. The Financial Services Centre is
extolled, lots about encouraging enterprise and the only radical note:
increasing corporation profits tax from 12.5 per cent to 17 per cent. 
 
In the trajectory from the "long war" to the everlasting peace, Sinn
Féin has also moved from radical socialism to mildly left-of-centre
social democracy, hardly different from the SDLP, for example. 
 
1971: 'Eire Nua - the social and economic programme of Sinn Féin' 
 
'Eire Nua' was published just after the split in the republican
movement between what was known as Official Sinn Féin, led by Tomas
MacGiolla (and Official IRA, led by Cathal Goulding) and Provisional
Sinn Féin, led by Ruairí Ó Bradáigh (and Provisional IRA, led by Sean
MacStiopháin). The "Officials" were regarded as Marxists who had
"diverted" the republican movement away from the national question to
economic and social issues in the 1960s. The Provisionals wanted to
restore the central "mission" of the IRA: to drive the British from
Ireland through force of arms. 
 
Provisional Sinn Féin (now known simply as "Sinn Féin", led by Gerry
Adams) was a mere adjunct to the Provisional IRA, a political "face"
for what was almost entirely a military movement. They were not
interested in politics but they did provide a few policy documents,
largely to counter Official Sinn Féin claims they were conservative
nationalists, happy with the status quo, economically and socially. 
 
The vice-president of Sinn Féin, Daithí Ó Conaill (who was also one of
the key leaders of the Provisional IRA), produced a document known as
'Eire Nua', part of which was their economic strategy. Ó Conaill and Ó
Bradaigh were very committed to the idea of a "Federal Ireland", as
advocated in the constitutional part of 'Eire Nua', but nobody paid
much attention to the economic section. 
 
'Eire Nua' opened with: "The constitution of Sinn Féin advocates not
merely the complete overthrow of English rule in Ireland, but also the
setting up of a Democratic Socialist Republic based on the
Proclamation of 1916. Among our objectives are the establishment of a
reign of social justice based on Christian principles by a just
distribution and effective control of the nation's wealth and
resources." The Christian principles reference was an important
assurance to the Provisional rank and file who might have thought
Provisional Sinn Féin was following Official Sinn Féin into atheistic
communism. 
 
'Eire Nua' said it was trying to strike a balance between Western
individualism and capitalism, with its poor and hungry amid plenty,
and Eastern Soviet State socialism, with its denial of freedom and
human rights (the later was intended as a "dig" at Official Sinn Féin
which then and subsequently had close ties with the Soviet Union and
other communist states including North Korea, where many of them went
on subsidised trips). 
 
The document went on a lot about co-operatives and promoting
indigenous industry. And there were peculiar bits including demands
that the means of production and exchange of wealth must be controlled
by the people and administered democratically; finance institutions
and all key industries must be under state control including industry,
agriculture and fisheries; the state must have complete control over
the import or export of money; only resident citizens of the Republic
will be allowed to own, purchase or lease land in Ireland; private
enterprise will have a role to play but at a much smaller scale than
to date; foreign power blocs and the EEC will be avoided; trade with
neutral or smaller nations and with Africa and Asia will be expanded
as "we have more in common with developing countries of the world
where 2/3s live in poverty than with the rich club of former colonial
powers in the EEC" (unfortunately, then as of now, they had no money
to finance trade). 
 
But nobody paid much attention to the economic strategy and the dept
of commitment by the Provisional republican movement was very
questionable. 
 
'Sinn Féin Policy 1986' 
 
By 1986 Ruairi Ó Bradáigh and Daithí Ó Conaill had been eclipsed in
Sinn Féin and had lost their position in both it and IRA (both had
been members of the IRA army council but by 1986 neither of them was).
'Eire Nua' was also formally abandoned and the new economics was
intended to signal an end to the old political conservatism. Gerry
Adams was very much the leader of the faction that took over both Sinn
Féin and the IRA but economics was not still much to the forefront of
concern. 
 
The ard fheis of that year ratified the strategy whereby Sinn Féin
representatives elected to Dáil Éireann could take their seats there -
up to then Sinn Féin had adopted an abstentionist stance, holding
there was no legitimate Parliamentary institution in Ireland because
of "British contrived" partition. 
 
The 1986 policy document begins: "We believe that the present system
of society is based upon the robbery of the working class and that
capitalist property cannot exist without plundering labour; we desire
to see capitalism abolished and a democratic system of common or
public ownership erected instead." The introduction names this system
as socialism which "will come as a result of the continuous increase
of power to the working class". 
 
It emphasised that Irish unity itself would be "insufficient": "After
British withdrawal, political control without control of the wealth,
economic and resources of the country is clearly insufficient.
Republicans are intent on restoring the ownership of Ireland to the
people of Ireland." 
 
It said economic policies North and South are not capable of producing
effective job creation, and that the only way to create full
employment is through state investment and the development of workers
co-operatives under community control. It opposed any increase in
indirect taxation and favoured a progressive, more equitable tax
system, which it did not detail. It advocated the establishment of
state-run companies to make "maximum use of natural resources and raw
materials"; the establishment of a state construction company; and
public control over the credit and investment policies of commercial
banks, pending full nationalisation. 
 
This too was largely rhetorical and without much traction within the
movement itself which then was focused primarily on what was known as
"the long war" and establishing a political base by winning seats in
Westminster and Leinster House. 
 
'Sinn Féin Policy 1993' 
 
By 1993 Sinn Féin was in "peace process" mode, although the IRA
cessation did not take place until August 1994. 
 
The 1993 policy document opened by describing Ireland as the most
under-developed country in Europe, with the highest unemployment,
emigration and poverty and least ability to create indigenous economic
growth (this was to be transformed over the following few years). Its
content focused on the development of the peace process: "how peace is
established is the challenge and responsibility facing us all". 
 
Its economic section opens with calls for "an all-Ireland democratic
economic plan, the development of an integrated economic strategy
through consultation with industry, trade unions, political
representatives and local communities". 
 
The earlier stuff about nationalisations was gone and said Sinn Féin
wanted to present "a visionary and credible alternative based on
decentralised socialism that would be realistic, flexible and adapted
to the Irish people". 
 
It opposed social welfare cuts, was critical of the EU Common
Agricultural Policy (CAP), and called for the establishment of county
development boards, rural development programmes, increased fisheries
quotas and a state bank. (Previously the banks were to be nationalised.) 
 
'EU Support for Irish Reunification, 2006' 
 
Remember in 1970 Sinn Féin, or this version of it, was opposed to any
truck with the European Economic Community (as it was then). Now the
tone is one of celebration of EU participation. The 'EU Support for
Irish Reunification', launched at the 2006 ard-fheis is placed
entirely within a capitalist framework, although there are muted
murmurings of discontent with "the increasing reliance on the market
place and neo-liberal economics to allocate resources". It promises,
vaguely, that "the governance of a united Ireland would be
irresistibly driven" to address the need for greater indigenous-sector
development. 
 
It extols one of the most spectacular outgrowths of Ireland's recent
capitalist history: "There has been an amazing growth of financial
services associated with the International Financial Services Centre
(IFSC) in Dublin.... A similar development, in its infancy, is
spurring growth in Laganside." 
 
'Sinn Féin Economic Policy Module 1, 2006' 
 
This document also launched at the 2006 ard-fheis begins: "Sinn Féin
is committed to building a united democratic and socialist republic"
with a vision for Ireland based on "equality and social justice". It
rejects inequality and reaffirms its commitment to ending partition
and to the core republican objectives set out in the 1919 democratic
programme. But there is no socialism, aside from the language. It
encourages support for business and enterprise, while emphasising the
need for fairer taxes and the positive redistribution of resources to
eradicate poverty and social exclusion (but lots of vagueness). It
recommends increased funding to entrepreneurial projects and more
money for education and training. It recommends an increase in
corporation tax from 12.5 to 17.5 per cent and while "much needed
wider progressive taxes" are called for, it does not go in to detail
on them. It proposes a "programme of increased public spending and
social spending to redistribute wealth". Hardly much different from
the rhetoric of any of the other political parties. 
 
The prospect of government office and power, especially in the South,
has domesticated Sinn Féin. Bertie Ahern would have little difficulty
in "discovering" policy convergence between it and Fianna Fáil if he
needs to after the next election.

*******

JIM CUSACK -- WITHOUT COMMENT!!
 
NewsTalk106: We're back to the Breakfast Show on NewsTalk 106 where
the time is 23 minutes past 7. And we return again to last Saturday's
Dublin Riots where recriminations continue to rumble

We are joined by Jim, Jim Cusack, a freelance journalist for the
Sunday Independent, and Chekov Feeney an Indymedia editor for their
considered take on who or what contributed to the mayhem.

But first have a listen to what was said yesterday in the Dáil:

Voice of Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern: There is proof that it was
organised, in my view, Ceann Comhairle, is that you don't move from
the Parnell Monument to the far side of town in a matter of minutes
unless somebody is calling the shots.

Voice of Justice Minister, Michael McDowell: …that Republican Sinn
Féin actually declined to engage in a meaningful manner with an Garda
Siochána who were preparing to police the demonstration; or to give
any advance information as to their intentions in carrying out their
counter-protest. On any view, that non-cooperation was despicable.

NewsTalk106: Jim, Jim Cusack, does that tally with your view of events
now?

Jim Cusack: uh, what, the eh...

NewsTalk106: What Bertie had to say...

Jim Cusack: No, it doesn't really, no, no it was a cock-up by the
Garda management basically and they just weren't paying attention to
what was going on. They didn't know what was going on, so they weren't
ready…and they allowed it to happen.

NewsTalk106: On the other hand Bertie Ahern listed 3 superintendents,
10 inspectors, 23 sergeants, over 300 Gardaí, air support units, dog
units, 58 detectives for 350 demonstrators - how could they have got
it so wrong?

Jim Cusack: There was more than a thousand people involved in that
riot. And, Gerry O'Carroll wrote in the Herald the other day it was
Lions led by Donkies. To coin the phrase from the First World War.

It was let get outa hand completely - they had no idea - they weren't
interested in what was going on and the thing about it was...

NewsTalk106: Jim, what do you mean they weren't interested?

Jim Cusack: Just, they weren't up to it. They really weren't focused
on what was being prepared – and it wasn't a riot against that little
march. Incidentally, it wasn't a Loyalist March or it wasn't a...
these are people, these are families of victims...(of the IRA)…

NewsTalk106: We'll get back to that in a moment, Jim. Chekov Feeney is
in the studio, as you know...

Jim Cusack: There was a small... 100 or 200 people who marched down
O'Connell Street and over to the Dáil.

NewsTalk106: Yes, yes but, yes...

Jim Cusack: And they... the Gards got it completely wrong, and it
wasn't the Gards on the ground it was the Garda management. They
didn't plough resources at all; they just didn't manage that situation
at all. And, as I say, they're incapable of doing it, by the look of it.

NewsTalk106: Well, Chekov Feeney good morning to you - it is fair to
say that you are a veteran of many a demo, and you know many of the
regular protestors and agitators by sight - you were actually there:
and gave a detailed political analysis on your Indymedia website -
which in many ways tallies with the first report of the Assistant
Garda Commissioner.

Who do you think were the protestors and rioters in Dublin on Saturday?

Chekov: Well, good morning for a start!, the protestors and rioters
that I saw did not appear to be connected with any particular
political organisation or political party. Essentially, what I saw was
the underbelly of the Celtic Tiger. Large numbers of angry young men
who appeared to mainly come from the deprived working class estates
around Dublin. These are young men who essentially have been excluded
from the opportunities and the wealth that has come from our economic
boom - and, are quite angry about it.

A large number of them gathered together in the same place and these
people being excluded and disenfranchised from our society are
volatile. Essentially this turned into a major riot, I think, the
reaction from much of the political class has - essentially they have
been clutching at straws.

They have been attempting to find somebody or some organisation to
point a finger at. For example, Bertie Ahern's claim there that it is
inconceivable that what was essentially a mob can move across a city
at speed - I don't think that tallies with how riots work.

I do think that this was essentially unplanned and actually for once I
would agree with the analysis of the Gardaí - it was very unexpected
because something like this hasn't happened before in Dublin. We
haven't seen big riots like this in general. We can assume or one
assumes that if there is a large political event it is organised by
somebody and I do not think this was the case.

NewsTalk106: Jim, do you accept that, that these people had no real
political point other than an expression of their rage? at society
generally?

Jim Cusack: I agree. I absolutely agree with Chekov up to a certain
point, but...there was organisation went into this, it definitely was.
I mean, I have email traffic here from em, December…when this was
planned...

NewsTalk106: Who are you saying planned it Jim? Are you saying it was
the geriatric Republican Sinn Féin or...

Jim Cusack: Hopefully you can read that in the Sunday Independent.
Well, I'm not going to say, but there certainly was planning went into
it. I mean, Chekov is absolutely right, there is a big element of
disaffection - disaffected youth here, as they say - but no, no it was
planned. Disaffected youth does not plan, does not organise, does
not…(turn out in numbers)…

NewsTalk106: It is the degree of planning, Jim, we are trying to get
to the root of - how much planning went into this riot?

Jim Cusack: There was a fair a bit of planning. Absolutely, a fair bit
of planning. There was 2 or 3 groups involved here, it wasn't just
them. And also, it wasn't just Republican Sinn Féin, there was other
groups as well. There was the political wing of the Real IRA and there
was almost certainly in collusion with other groups and Sinn Féin
people were there in the background.

NewsTalk106: Jim, where is your evidence for that?! You are the only
person I've heard saying this.

Jim Cusack: No I'm not...

NewsTalk106: Yes you are! Who else is saying this? The Gardaí are
certainly not saying this, Bertie Ahern isn't saying this.

Jim Cusack: What Gardaí aren't saying this?

NewsTalk106: The Gardaí are saying they still don't know.

Jim Cusack: Well y…Ask the Gards. Why don't you ask the gards, (well,
you know what I mean but the gards, oh sorry, the gards [?]broke an[?])…

NewsTalk106: They are still saying they are not sure if the riot was
orchestrated - they actually don't know, as we speak.

Jim Cusack: No, no, no, you're quoting official spokesmen (you know)
and they don't say anything that's any significance whatsoever The
Garda management made a mess of this here - whether or not they had
the intelligence and I believe they did have the intelligence. They
just didn't act on it and this got out of hand.

NewsTalk106: If they had the intelligence, Jim, why would they not act
on it?

Jim Cusack: Well, there's all sorts of reasons for that there (I
mean), they don't want to over-spend on overtime and stuff like that.
There's resource and human resource led management in the police force
which really doesn't tally with the needs of what's going on in the
city sometimes.

NewsTalk106: But Jim are you suggesting that the Real IRA and Sinn
Féin were involved in this protest on Saturday and Garda management
deliberately ignored this in their intelligence?

Jim Cusack: No, they didn't ignore their intelligence, they ignored it
in their resource management. In other words, there was only 300 Gards
there and there was over a thousand rioters, so, em, they just didn't
get it right.

NewsTalk106: Well they didn't get it right, but what you are saying is
they knew what was coming down the line and chose to ignore it.

Jim Cusack: No I am not saying that - I am just saying that...

NewsTalk106: Yes! you are saying they knew they had the intelligence
that there was going to be Real IRA involvement.

Jim Cusack: No, I'm not sayin' they had inte…What I am saying is that,
they may or may not have had the intelligence, but whatever they did
they made a mess of it. They got it wrong, completely. You know what I
mean, Garda management got this completely wrong.

NewsTalk106: Well we know they got it wrong,

Jim Cusack: Yeah.

NewsTalk106: But it is the root of where they got it wrong is what I
am trying to get at here.

Jim Cusack: Well then, don't ask me, ask the Gards.

NewsTalk106: Well, I'm asking you for your evidence, Jim. You're
talking here in quite a inflammatory situation about Real IRA and Sinn
Féin involvement, where is your evidence for this?

Jim Cusack: em.. I have my sources. And I'll stick by them, you know,
(eh, I beli…).

NewsTalk106: Nobody has seen these people.

Jim Cusack: They were on the street.

NewsTalk106: Did you see them on the street?

Jim Cusack: Some of them, yeah. Hold on a second those are Teddy Bears
who were throwin' the stones in eh…(in Dublin)?

NewsTalk106: No, there were no Teddy Bears, Jim. I am simply trying to
determine if these were alienated youth or members of Sinn Féin and
the Real IRA - and I think it is a fair question to put to you.

Chekov what did you see on the streets on Saturday - did you see, did
you recognise individuals?

Chekov: I did not. Well, obviously at any demonstration like that
there is going to be members of political parties and so on, but they
certainly weren't people who were involved in any of the fighting. In
general most of them were there as observers, as far as I could see.

I think basing or making great claims like that on the basis of what a
Garda might have told you in the pub is a little bit irresponsible, to
be honest. The Gardaí have come out with their report and essentially
it sounds to me a fairly accurate appraisal what their intelligence
would have been - and certainly that was my understanding, I was very
surprised that events panned out the way they did.

Some other points, most of the anger on the day seemed to be directed
at the Gardaí - even more so than towards the Love Ulster march. To
some extent, that would not be consistent with a protest which was
organised by Republican groups.

That is symptomatic, to some extent, of the hatred that many young men
in deprived areas have for Gardaí as a result of very common instances
of heavy handed Garda tactics in dealing with these places or in
dealing with youth - it is very very common to hear stories and
reports of young men being beaten in custody in these areas. And I
think all these things came to the surface.

NewsTalk106: Jim, time just for a final comment from you, and all that...

Jim Cusack: Like what?! I mean, just he's…He's a silly boy, you know I
mean. There was a very major riot in Dublin, Dublin has been
portrayed...(as the capital of a…).

NewsTalk106: Jim, Jim, hold on now, he was there, he was there...

Jim Cusack: Bully for him…

NewsTalk106: Not bully for him Jim. That's not respectful talk about a
gentleman who was there and knows what he saw.

Jim Cusack: Dublin is the capitol city of a country and it can't have
a small demonstration by the victims of IRA violence in Northern
Ireland march down the city centre without a thousand YOBs basically
coming out and smashing the place up - and that's it. It's just a
desperate desperate indictment on our country. And it was allowed to
happen because of incompetence by someone - I don't know exactly who.
But it was definitely incompetence and those people out there who were
throwing stones and wrecking the city centre were horrible horrible
people altogether.

They beat up two Bangladeshi...(workers in a shop)

NewsTalk106:You are getting no argument about that, as you know -
there is no argument about that…

Jim Cusack: oh no, what's your problem with…

NewsTalk106: We're trying to determine who these people were, but we
have no more time to talk about it, sorry to say...

Jim Cusack: They're aliens! they came down from Mars! They are the
young people from Dublin...

NewsTalk106: No, that's exactly what Chekov said - nobody is arguing
about that either.

Jim Cusack: Exactly. Chekov is absolutely right, they are young
disaffected youth and they are being led by the noses by people like
Republican Sinn Féin, by the 32 County Sovereignty Movement and by
Sinn Féin - there were Sinn Féin people there on Saturday...

NewsTalk106: OK, we are back to the evidence thing again, I am afraid,
Jim.

Thank you, very much indeed, for joining us this morning, Chekov
Feeney, Indymedia editor, thank you, very much indeed for coming into
studio. We'll take a break now for the headlines.... 

*******

LETTERS

*

Subject: Victory: Sacked Union Steward Gets Her Job Back Following Our
Campaign 

In mid-January I wrote to all of you asking for your support in an
international campaign to help a union shop steward in Ireland get her
job back. As you may recall, Joanne Delaney, who worked for Dunnes
Stores in Dublin, was sacked for wearing a union badge. 

Working together with Joanne's union, Mandate, we launched a global
online campaign that generated 5,550 email messages from around the
world. In addition, campaigners went to work outside Dunnes stores,
motions were made in the British, Scottish and Irish parliaments, and
in general, we made a bit of noise. And it worked -- on Monday morning
this week, Joanne returned to work. 

According to her union, "This victory for trade union rights followed
a short but highly effective campaign for her reinstatement by trade
unionists, political groups and community activists throughout Ireland
and by many more supporters from around the world who emailed the
company through the LabourStart website." 

The union adds: "Mandate wishes to place on record our sincere
appreciation for the support received from all those who joined with
Joanne and Mandate to campaign for her right to work and to wear her
union badge without fear of victimisation. Your solidarity has won the
day and we salute the courageous stand taken by Joanne who has become
an inspiration to all those associated with the
campaign." 

What we did this week in Ireland we can do for others too -- for
jailed trade union leaders in Indonesia and Iran, and for victims of
union-busting campaigns in Russia and Costa Rica.  But we need you to
do more. 

If you can, please donate $25 right now to help support LabourStart.
Click here: http://www.labourstart.org/donatenow.shtml

If you wish to donate a different amount, please use our regular
donations page.

Thanks very much. 

Eric Lee

*

Hunger Strike Mural

The FOLLOWING LETTER WRITTEN BY AN IRSP MEMBER WAS SENT TO THE
ANDERSONSTOWN NEWS IN RESPONSE TO AN INDIVIDUAL ATTACKING A MURAL TO
DEAD INLA HUNGER STRIKERS.

To The Editor.
 
In last Thursdays Mala Post there was a letter bemoaning the mural at
the shops on the Shaws Road. The first thing the author asked for was
for an explanation for it. It was done to remember those who died in
the H-Blocks 25 years ago. S/He then says "why would some people want
to turn a decent working class area into a ghetto?" As I was one of
those who worked on the mural and talked to people as they passed by,
all I heard was how good it looked, how it brightens up the shops,
nobody said it made the place look like a ghetto, as a matter of fact
I have not heard of one complaint about the mural. So I was surprised
at the tone of your letter.

As for having enough time on our hands to do it? Well, most of us
work, that is why it has taken so long to do, our resources are
ourselves, we paid for the paint and brushes without asking for
donations. At least you recognised "the artistic skills" we employed.
As for most of the "drunken teenagers wouldn't recognised the long
dead republican activist", that is correct, most teenagers didn't know
it was Patsy O Hara, but they at least asked, some even took a guess,
most thought it was George Best, one even thought it was Saddam
Hussein, but that is what it was all about, get younger people asking
who Patsy was and why he and the other nine men died. The unselfish
ideals these men had should be an inspiration to our young people, not
something that should be hidden from them. But it was not only young
people who did not know him; one adult didn't even know that the
I.N.L.A. prisoners were involved in the Hunger Strike, and that three
of them died, so it is not only young people asking about Patsy O Hara. 

You then go on to ask, if we have so much spare time on our hands, why
don't we tackle the growing problem of the blue bag brigade? I could
ask the same of you? These young people are mostly from the local
area, I know it is a problem, but what would you have a few "skilled
artists" do about it? Beat them? Force them to another area to annoy
others? You complain about them, but offer on solutions, do you have
any ideas? 

Anti-social problems need a multi-agency approach, beating these young
people DOES NOT WORK, it actually turns young people against their
community as they perceive the community is against them. I have
problems with groups like C.R.J. and community activists who come out
at night at the weekends, but I can see a least they are trying to
find answers to this problem and care about their area. Do you ever
volunteer your time to stand with these people, or would you rather
complain from behind your curtains. One group, not even artists, will
solve this problem; I will help, so long as it does not mean beating
these young people, will you?

Now to your last point, do we live in the area? I have to ask are you
new to the area? Because we all live locally, Rossnareen, Tullagh Park
and Lenadoon, and most people who spoke to us while we were painting
knew us by name. The only time we didn't live in the area, was when we
were imprisoned by the British, or were active elsewhere.

How you can see this mural as "vandalism" is beyond me, maybe you
were just nit-picking in you anger at the social problems in the area.
Or maybe I am paranoid, and it is the fact that the mural was done by
members of the I.R.S.P. that is really annoying you? I look forward to
your reply.

Yours etc
Gerard Foster
IRSP
 
*

PROTEST AGAINST WATER CHARGES
  
Saturday 1st April - 1pm Belfast City Hall
 
Come along to the protest & tell April Fool Peter Hain - WE WON'T PAY
WATER CHARGES!!!
 
Foe more info contact 90311778 or 07743282321 e-mail:
wewontpay@btconnect.com or visit our website http://www.wewontpay.tk/
 
12 months before Water Charges - Join the Protest
 
Water charges are due to be introduced on April 1st 2007 - just over a
year away. The Government has ignored the huge opposition to this
unjust tax and are determined to implement them. We want to remind
them - 12 months before water charges are introduced - that there is
still no support for water charges by organising a protest in Belfast
on April 1st. 
 
Build mass non-payment

The most effective method of defeating the charges is to prepare the
We Won't Pay Campaign in advance of the charges being introduced and
send out a clear message to the Government that water charges will
face a mass boycott if introduced. This is what the Government fears
most. Without any income, the newly privatised water service cannot
last. We want to see as many people as possible on the protest to
speak with one voice that "We Won't Pay!"
 
What you can do
 
Come along to the protest - bring along your family & friends. 
  
Make a We Won't Pay banner representing your area 
  
Contact the campaign to get leaflets & posters to distribute in your
area. 
 
Get your local community group, trade union etc. to support the
protest and to call for people to attend the protest.
 
Related Link: http://www.wewontpay.tk/

*

Dear Sirs, 

I don't know whether you are aware that in the small North East
Lancashire town of Earby there is a memorial to Katherine Bruce
Glasier one of the founder members of the Independent Labour Party.
She lived in Earby for the last 30 or so years of her life and the
house she lived in was purchased from the proceeds of her memorial
fund and given in perpetuity to the Youth Hostel Association for use
as a hostel. The YHA have  now announced that they are to close it
down and sell it off.

There is local support to fight the closure and we would appreciate
any support you could give to help in this. I must emphasise that this
is not a political campaign but an attempt to ensure the memorial to a
much admired lady is kept alive.

Yours Sincerely

Robert Abel
bobabel@talk21.com

*******

WHAT'S ON

*

Wednesday, 8 March

International Women's Day Wednesday 8th March 2006 

Day and Evening events

Marking the 70th Anniversary of the Spanish Anti-Fascist War 1936-1939 

The Clarion Call; Women & the Spanish Civil War: A talk and
photo/poster presentation will be given by Angela Jackson, in the
Central Hall, Belfast Institute of Further and Higher Education on
Wednesday the 8th March 12.30pm to 15.30pm. (Refreshments at
12.30pm:)Edwina Stewart will introduce Angela Jackson and question
time/debate will be chaired by Myrtle Hill.

The BIFHE are hosting this event in the College Square East, as part
of their Centenary celebrations. On show for the first time will be a
photographic exhibition "A HUNDRED YEARS OF WOMEN AT THE TECH"
contrasting women who attended the college in the early part of the
20th century with women who attend the college in the present day.
(Leaflet will be available shortly).

Angela Jackson, a doctor of History from the University of Essex, now
lives in the Priorat, Catalonia. She moved there in 2002 after
visiting the area to research for her book, British Women and the
Spanish Civil War. (Routledge, London, 2002) Her interest in the
history of the cave hospital near the village of La Bisbal de Falset
led to the publication of a further book in Catalan and English,
Beyond the Battlefield (Warren & Pell, Pontypool, 2005). She continues
to be involved in the subject of memory and remembrance of the war
though her work as president of the association 'No Jubilem La
Memòria'. The work of the group so far has included the production of
a documentary based on interviews with International Brigaders and
local people, the organisation of commemorative events and lectures,
and the collection and exhibition of photographs taken in the area
during the civil war. 

Edwina Stewart was a teacher in Ashfield Girls School and Comber High
School. Following in her parents footsteps (they were founder members
of the Communist Party of Ireland) Edwina continues her membership of
the CPI, and it is in this capacity that she knew some of those
families whose relatives went to fight in Spain against fascism. Her
mother Sadie Menzies was involved in the International Women's Day
events in the late 1940's. Edwina was also honorary secretary of the
Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association from 1969 until the late
'70's. And as she says "I joined practically every peace and
solidarity organisation and I'm not finished yet." (Cited by Marilyn
Hyndman in Further Afield: Journeys from a Protestant past 1996) In
1962 as a serving teacher, Edwina was a student in Commercial Studies
at the 'Tech' in Belfast.

Myrtle Hill, who returned to study as a housewife and mother, is
currently Director of the Centre for Women's Studies at Queen's
University, Belfast. A senior lecturer in social, religious and
women's history, she has published widely in these areas; her most
recent book is Women in Ireland: A Century of Change, Belfast, 2003.
She continues to work on various aspects of Irish, particularly
northern Irish women's history, focusing more recently on the
complexities of how events are recorded and remembered. As coordinator
of the University's Access Programme, she maintains a strong interest
in the promotion of opportunities for mature students.

Social Event: 8th March: In the evening there will be an IWD event
held in the John Hewitt pub in Donegall Street 7.15pm to late. "Into
the Fire" a film about American Women's involvement in the Spanish
Civil War will be shown, followed by musicians/singers/poets,
Geraldine Bradley, Paul Bradley; Chad Dughie, Victoria Gleason &
others plus a poem sent by Sinead Morrissey. All proceeds from this
event will go the International Brigades Commemoration Committee who
intends to establish a memorial to those Belfast people who died
fighting with the International Brigade in Spain. (£6 waged & £2.00
unwaged)

Relatives of the International Brigade, who went to Spain from Ireland
will invited to the events which are supported by the International
Brigades Commemoration Committee; BIFHE; Belfast & District Trade
Union Council; and partly funded by the Northern Ireland Women's
Rights Movement. These events should appeal women's organisations,
students, historians, trade unionists, academics, & political activists.

All People Welcome

*

Tuesday, 21 March

Dublin 
Tuesday 21 March, 8 p.m. 
 
Public meeting 
 
"Pearse and Connolly: their influence on each other" 

Speaker: Mícheál Mac Aonghusa 
Ireland Institute (27 Pearse Street) 
 
Organised by the James Connolly Education Trust 
 
Baile Átha Cliath 
Máirt 21 Márta, 8 i.n. 
 
Cruinniú poiblí 
"Pearse and Connolly: their influence on each other" 
 
Cainteoir: Mícheál Mac Aonghusa 
Institiúid na hÉireann (27 Sráid an Phiarsaigh)

*

REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST YOUTH MOVEMENT RAFFLE
 
The RSYM is selling tickets for a raffle will be April 17th, 11am at
Costello House. The prizes are a POW-made bodhrán (traditional Irish 
drum), DVDs and assorted IRSM merchandise valued around 15 euro. The
price of each ticket is 2 euro, 1 pound or 3 dollars. 
 
The funds raised from raffle ticket sales will help RSY to acquire a 
banner, badges, pay for their website and so on. It's important work 
in establishing the IRSM's youth wing and all sales are greatly 
appreciated!
 
* 
 
Wednesday, 12 April

The biography "Ruairí Ó Brádaigh - The Life and Politics of an Irish
Revolutionary" will be launched by Dr Ruán O'Donnell, Department of
History, Limerick University, on April 12 - the Wednesday before Easter.
 
Other speakers at the launch in the Cúltúrlann, Monkstown, Dublin at
7.30pm will include the author Professor Robert W White of Indiana
University and the subject of the book himself, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh.
 
The book is in hardback and runs to 350 pages with another 60 pages of
notes and is the result of over 20 years of research and interviews
with the subject. Dr O'Donnell did extensive work for the
bicentenaries of 1798 and 1803 and is now engaged in a study on the
Republican Movement in the 1950s.
 
* 

12-14 May

As part of the celebration for the 90th Anniversary of the execution
of James Connolly the Communist Party of Ireland has organised a
weekend of events on the 12th-13th-14th May. On Friday we have booked
Liberty Hall to have a celebration of Connolly's Life & Times with
visitors coming from India, Venezuela, Cuba and Britain. On Saturday
will be an all day conference dealing with contemporary Ireland. On
Sunday we have planned an International wreathe laying ceremony in 
Arbour Hill. For further details visit our website,
http://www.communistpartyofireland.ie/


*******

WHAT'S ONLINE

Official website of the International Brigade Commemoration Committee
in Belfast is now online and can by viewed by clicking on:
http://www.connollycolumn.org/

You can visit the No Pasarán project online by clicking on:
http://www.nopasaran.netfirms.com/

*******

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*

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